As efforts continue to bring about a political union of European states, several French books have appeared (none yet translated into English) that raise warning flags about France's neighbor to the northeast.

At least three books have appeared in the last two years warning about the nature of Germany and possible conflicts, and even wars, to come. The authors differ on how France should act to meet the threat represented by Germany, but all agree that missteps could well spell future German domination of France, Europe and perhaps beyond.

The next war

Essayist Phillipe Delmas has written a book called De la prochaine guerre avec l'Allemagne (Of the Next War With Germany, published by Editions Odile Jacob). Mr. Delmas begins by saying very bluntly: "Fear of Germany is back. It [that fear] is already the greatest political force in Europe as well as the most widely shared feeling. The reunification [of Germany] did not bring about this fear, it liberated it. It laid bare the fact that the European construction and the Cold War were simply ways of restraining Germany and the fear it inspires" (p. 11; all translations in this article are mine-JM).

Mr. Delmas describes Germany as a nation unsure of itself and its own identity, because of the fractured nature of its history (until the middle of the 19th century, there was no nation of Germany, but rather a patchwork of independent principalities). He believes this identity crisis led the Germany of 1914 into a "patriotism" that caused it to fight against the rest of the world (p. 39). And, he maintains, the identity crisis that led to the First World War is still present in Germany today. He concludes that if France and Germany are not able to find a way to live together harmoniously, then there will certainly be another war: "It has taken four centuries of wars to learn just how much France and Germany can only live one with another, because one without the other today means one against the other tomorrow. That is why Germany is the vital interest of France" (p. 191).

He concludes: "Time is short because Germany is fragile and its consolidation is tied to its friendship with France. If we hold back, it will cost us our future, because the power of Germany which we will have left alone will spread beyond Europe. 'And that,' said [Charles] de Gaulle, 'can only be dealt with by war'" (p. 197).

Return of a German empire

Mémoires de l'ombre (Memoirs From the Shadows, published by Flammarion), is a memoir written by the former head of the French secret service, Pierre Marion. Mr. Marion also sounds a sharp warning about the dangers of a Germany growing steadily stronger. In the first chapter of his memoir, he sketches the recent history of France and Europe and explains his view on the developing union of Europe, as it will affect France.

First, he points out that France has been invaded five times in the last 125 years and Paris has been occupied four times during that period. He states that in reality France "has lost all its wars since 1812" (p. 21). Based on this, he suggests France should be less confident than it is in its dealings with Germany. "The French have developed the habit of nourishing themselves on illusions about their past successes" (p. 28). This overconfidence, Mr. Marion believes, led the French to miss the warning signs of impending disasters in the past, and he believes France is currently missing warning signs about what will happen in the European Union.

According to Mr. Marion, Europe must have a dominant heart at its center to direct and stimulate it, and this is often identified as the Franco-German couple. But today, he says, this couple is unequal: "It's Berlin who wears the trousers, and Paris who follows, sometimes complaining but only for appearance's sake. Because, when one looks carefully, it is Germany that now has the manifest superiority between the two countries" (p. 31).

Mr. Marion doesn't believe that the three Franco-German wars of the 19th and 20th centuries were accidents: "They prolong the German hegemonic impulses that have been manifested and spread since the 17th century…. The drama of the Second World War has contributed to masking the permanent will of our neighbors to impose their way of life, of thinking and of ruling" (p. 35-36).

Mr. Marion warns that the European Union will profit Germany the most and allow it to dominate the continent. "Finally," he concludes, "we will end up with this empire of which Germany has unfailingly dreamed since the 17th century…. The European Union therefore will above all serve the grandeur and the power of Germany" (p. 41).

After taking the leaders of France to task for misunderstanding that the "dreams of grandeur" for France will actually come true to the profit of Germany, he concludes "We must therefore forearm ourselves against German hegemony" (p. 45).

Looking into an abyss

Alain Griotteray was an active member of the French resistance during World War II and is now an editorialist with the conservative Le Figaro Magazine. He teamed with journalist and German specialist Jean de Larsan to write Voyage au bout de l'Allemagne, l'Allemagne est inquiétante (Journey to the End of Germany, Germany Is Disquieting, published by Editions du Rocher).

The choice of title is interesting because it plays off that of a famous French novel Journey to the End of the Night, the bleak story of a soldier during World War I when France was fighting Germany. These writers are openly pessimistic about the ability of the European Union to contain the German threat.

The authors argue that three elements are currently allowing Germany to achieve long-standing goals at the expense of other European countries. The first of these factors is the reunification of Germany and the reestablishment of the German capital in Berlin. This represents the rebirth of a "greater Germany," a goal Germans have had since 1945.

Second is the rise of what the authors call "King Capital," the globalization of a capitalist economy, which allows Germany to spread its influence through a "pan-Germanism" by acquisitions in Eastern Europe and economic alliances with the Anglo-American world. This, they argue, gives Germany an overarching dominance in Europe.

The third context is the construction of Europe, which, the authors maintain, aims at the eventual disappearance of borders in the name of free circulation of goods and people. This would enable Germany to reestablish ties with, and perhaps legally recover, German-origin peoples driven into Eastern Europe, including Poland and the Czech Republic.

Griotteray and de Larsan warn that there is a clear will on the part of Germany to dominate Europe. This is to be achieved through what they call a "pacific pan-Germanism," which seeks by peaceful means to have the capacity to "influence the debate [in Europe], to impose orientation in the exclusive sense of German interests" (p. 125).

They cite three examples: 1) Germany's behavior in European discussions about import laws (specifically bananas from former French colonies, which France wanted to protect and which Germany blocked on the grounds of free trade); 2) Germany's desire to make Airbus Industries an autonomous multinational corporation (instead of the politically directed entity it is now), diminishing the French say in the direction of Airbus; and 3) the fact that European monetary policy will be decided in Frankfurt, with an eye, the authors maintain, to protecting the German economy above all.

Griotteray and de Larsan conclude, "Germany is European, because Europe is German" (p. 149). A long section toward the end of the book goes so far as to maintain that Germany is now building what it was unable to build or keep during the time of the Third Reich. The authors base this on cultural, monetary and military developments in Germany in recent years.

The last chapter contains a long quote from a book entitled The Soul of Peoples, by André Siegfried, a French sociologist and geographer who died in 1959, who wrote a famous analysis of Germany. Siegfried wrote:

"I finish my study on an impression of discord. On the exterior, what do we see across the Rhine? Order, efficiency, accomplishment, but in the interior it is a bog and chaos. Germany believes that truth is obscure and that in going toward it, one sinks into the night. For our part, we believe that truth is light accompanied by clarity. Some countries have an initial simplicity that makes one think of a wave, transparent and without mystery. Here we are on the bank of black waters that, one says with disquiet, must be bottomless. That is also its prestige, but when one looks into this pool, one has the impression of looking into an abyss" (p. 209).

Griotteray and de Larsan believe this is still true of Germany. They conclude that Germany is very disquieting, that it is dangerous to the well-being of France, Europe and beyond.

Early in their book, they make a startling statement about the possible future of the German people: "In several decades, having established their authority over Europe, they may decide to measure their strength against the United States, another of their dreams from the 19th century.

But what is a century compared to all of history?" (p. 18).

What does the Bible say?

Bible prophecy points to a union of nations coming together for a final time just before the return of Christ. The book of Revelation records a vision that Jesus Christ caused the apostle John to see and record so that God's people could understand events to come (Revelation 1:1; 4:1).

One striking image revealed was that of a wild animal, a beast in symbolic biblical language, with seven heads and 10 horns (Revelation 17:3). The heads represent different manifestations of a governmental system not of God. They are resurrections of the Holy Roman Empire (centered in Europe).

The seventh revival of that system is yet to come. We know this is a future event because the last head is associated with 10 horns (Revelation 17:11-12). Those horns are identified as "kings," rulers that will band together under one leader to fight against the Lamb, Jesus Christ, at His return to the earth (verses 13-14). The return of Christ is yet to come, and so is this short-lived (verses 10, 12) union of nations (see our free booklet, The Book of Revelation Unveiled).

There is now a political and military union forming in Europe. It is becoming increasingly clear that Germany will be the dominant influence in that union (see "Radical Changes in EU Constitution Would Create a Strong Parliament," on page 12). Even some people who do not understand Bible prophecy are beginning to see the handwriting on the wall. Though well-intentioned democratically elected people are bringing about the European Union, the Bible indicates that one day perhaps a different set of leaders will turn despotic and warlike.

Revelation 17:15 says the beast is ridden by a woman (representing a church or religious system), who uses the power of the political union and "sits on," or rules over, "many waters" (verse 1). The waters are revealed to represent "peoples, multitudes, nations and tongues" (verse 15). This union will be a dominating influence, subjugating many countries at a time of frightening wars and destruction immediately preceding the return of Christ.

The good news is that after these world events finally culminate in this politico-military-religious union turning warlike and aggressive, it will last but a short time. Though its "kings" will fight against Jesus at His return, they will be vanquished, and Jesus Christ will be revealed to be "King of kings" (verse 14).

The time of human governments, with their selfishness, greed and aggression, will be at an end. Of that time, Revelation 11:15 says "The kingdoms of this world have become the kingdoms of our Lord and of His Christ, and He shall reign forever and ever."

Then will begin a wonderful time of peace when men will not "learn war anymore" (Isaiah 2:4). WNP

The Other Side of the Story

A part from some extremist political elements in society, there are no strong political opposition parties in present-day Germany perceived to be a serious threat to postwar democratic governments. None would countenance aggressive behavior towards France. All mainstream parties are democratically oriented and in the main have a desire to maintain a cordial relationship with France and the other EU member states.

John Schmid is the International Herald Tribune's correspondent in Germany. Recently he wrote a story that emphasizes the way Germans see themselves. He states: "Berlin's politicians are taking pains to deny that EU expansion has become a German project.... 'We have a broken relationship with our history,' said one German diplomat. 'We do not belong to the glorious nations like France and Great Britain. Germany searches for its role and European integration is what we want.' "

Schmid continued: "Thomas Mann gave a speech that German diplomats continue to quote: 'We do not want to have a German Europe,' the novelist said in 1948. 'We want to have a European Germany'" (April 23). To be fair, Germany's postwar approach has generally honored this basic political theme.

However, the political landscape of Europe could very well change. Embracing a democratic society today is no guarantee that this form of government will automatically be retained in the future. The ever-changing historical map of Europe has shown us that in reality all political options of governance remain open. Acute economic problems in Germany and elsewhere could one day usher in a system of a much more rigid and autocratic nature where democracy would become an early casualty. When economic privation and social unrest stare a nation (or group of nations) in the face, democracy could become a signature on a meaningless piece of paper. Witness the emergence of the Third Reich in the early 1930s.

—Editors